Sunday, January 31, 2016

13 February 1945: Approximately 500,000 German Refugees Burned Alive by Allied Forces in Dresden

13 February 1945: Approximately 500,000 German Refugees Burned Alive by Allied Forces in Dresden

The professional liars who act on behalf of the official historiography of the Federal Republic of Germany shamelessly reduce the death toll of the Dresden holocaust by several hundreds of thousands.

On the other hand, nobody disputes that more than 12.000 houses in the center of the city were reduced to dust during the hellish firestorm. In view of the fact that, in addition to the 600.000 inhabitants of Dresden, another 600.000 people (refugees from Breslau) had found shelter in the overcrowded city, one can safely assume that each of these 12.000 houses contained no fewer than 50 people.

But of these houses virtually nothing remained, and the people who had been dwelling in them were transformed into ashes due to a heat of 1600 degrees Celsius. The deniers of the German Holocaust brazenly claim that only 35.000 persons perished in Dresden. Considering that a superficies of 7 x 4 kilometers, to wit 28 square kilometers, was completely destroyed, this "politically correct” figure would imply that less than 1, 5 persons died on each thousand square meters! In February 2005 a commission of "serious” historians further reduced this figure, claiming that only 24.000 Germans had been killed in Dresden. But anybody familiar with the character of the political system of Germany knows that these "serious historians” are nothing but vulgar falsifiers of history who are paid for preventing the breakthrough of the truth with more and more bare-faced lies.

The figure of 35.000 dead only represents the small part of the victims who could be fully identified. Erhard Mundra, a member of the "Bautzen committee” (an association of former political prisoners in the GDR), wrote in the daily newspaper Die Welt (12.2. 1995, page 8): "According to the former general staff officer of the military district of Dresden and retired lieutenant colonel of the Bundeswehr, D Matthes, 35.000 victims were fully and another 50.000 partly identified, whereas further 168.000 could not be identified at all.” It goes without saying that the hapless children, women and old people whom the firestorm had transformed into a heap of ashes could not be identified either.

In 1955 former West German chancellor Konrad Adenauer stated: "On 13 February 1945, the attack on the city of Dresden, which was overcrowded with refugees, claimed about 250.000 victims.” (Deutschland heute, edited by the press and information service of the federal government, Wiesbaden 1955, page 154.)

In 1992, the city of Dresden gave the following answer to a citizen who had inquired about the death toll: "According to reliable information from the Dresden police, 202.040 dead, most of them women and children, were found until 20 March. Only about 30% of them could be identified. If we take into account those who are missing, a figure of 250.000 to 300.000 victims seems realistic.” (letter by Hitzscherlich, Sign: 0016/Mi, date: 31 - 7 - 1992.)

At the time of the attack, Dresden had no anti-aircraft guns and no military defense. It possessed no military industry at all. The city served as a shelter for refugees from the East. The roofs were marked with a red cross.

The German cities became huge crematoria

In that horrible night from 13 to 14 February 1945, the biggest war criminal of all time, Winston Churchill, had almost 700.000 incendiary bombs dropped on Dresden – in other words, one bomb for two inhabitants. On 3 March 1995, Die Welt commented this fact:

When the cities became crematoria… Professor Dietmar Hosser from the institute for construction material, massive construction and fire prevention deems it highly probable that the temperatures above ground reached up to 1600 degrees Celsius.

”The deadly "liberation” came from the skies

The genocide of the German nation destroyed "80% of all German cities with more than 100.000 inhabitants”. The air forces of the Allied war criminals dropped "40.000 tons of bombs in 1942, 120.000 tons in 1943, 650.000 tons in 1944 and another 500.000 tons in the four last months of the war in 1945” (Die Welt, 11 February 1995, page G1).

The Germans did not begin the bombing war!

It should be reminded that Great Britain and France declared war on the German Reich on 3 September 1939, and that England began the terror bombing against the German civilian population as early as two days after its declaration of war. On 5 September 1939 the first raids took place against Wilhelmshaven and Cuxhaven; on 12 January 1940, Westerland/Sylt was bombed. Two weeks later, on 25 January, the Supreme Command of the Wehrmacht forbade air raids against Britain, including her ports, an exception being made for the docks of Rosyth. On 20 March, Kiel and Hörnum/Sylt were attacked with 110 explosive and incendiary bombs, which hit and destroyed a hospital. In April 1940, British bombers attacked further towns devoid of military importance. On 11 May 1940, one day after being named Prime Minister and Minister of Defence, Winston Churchill decided to order a massive air offensive against the German civilian population; however he did not inform his own people of his decision. On 18 May 1940, the Supreme Command of the Wehrmacht reported more meaningless British attacks on non-military aims and warned Britain of the consequences.

Not before 14/15 November 1940 did the Luftwaffe first attack a British city – Coventry with its important military industry. This happened several months after the start of the British terror bombing against civilian targets in Germany. The raid claimed about 600 victims.

Air-warfare expert Sönke Neitzel concludes: "Indisputably during the first years of the war all heavy attacks of the German Luftwaffe against cities were planned as military blows and cannot be defined as terror raids.” (Darmstädter Echo, 25 – 9 – 2004, p. 4)

Historians: "The British and American peoples share the burden of guilt for the genocide of the Germans”

In September 1988, military historians from five countries met at a conference in Freiburg. The event had been organized by the Institute for Military Research of the Bundeswehr. During a week, American, British, German, French and Italian specialist discussed various aspects of air warfare in the Second World War. After the conference, the daily newspaper Frankfurter Allgemeine published a detailed and highly interesting article. Under the headline

"Bombing the Cities”, the author, Professor Günter Gillessen, wrote: "It is a remarkable fact that the Wehrmacht stuck to the traditional principles of moderate warfare until the very end, whereas the two Western democracies resorted to a revolutionary, radical and reckless type of air warfare.” Another interesting conclusion the historians arrived at was the following: "It cannot be disputed that the principles of international law forbade total carpeting bombing … The historians considered the indiscriminate bombing as an abomination, but refused to lay the whole guilt on Air Marshall Sir Arthur Harris or the Bomber Command. According to them, the entire staff of the RAF, but even more the political leaders, especially Churchill and Roosevelt, plus the majority of their peoples shared the burden of guilt.”

Churchill wanted to roast German refugees

On 13 February 1990, forty-five years after the destruction of Dresden, British historian David Irving spoke at the Dresden "Kulturpalast". In his speech, Irving quoted the war criminal Winston Churchill: "I don't want any suggestions how to destroy militarily important targets around Dresden. I want suggestions how blasting the Germans in their retreat from Breslau." (Minute by A.P.S. of S. - Air Chief Marshal Sir Wilfrid Freeman-  Jan 26, 1945 in "Air Historical Branch file CMS.608") But for Churchill, roasting the Germans was not enough. On the morning after the firebombing, he ordered his "Tiefflieger" (strafers, low-flying planes) to machine-gun the survivors on the beaches of the river Elbe.

Churchill’s systematic war of extermination against the German people included plans for the destruction of every house in every German city. "’If it has to be, we hope to be able to destroy nearly every house in every German city.’… In March 1945 Churchill began to doubt the wisdom of bombing German cities ‘simply for the sake of increasing the terror’, but the terror continued.” (Die Welt, 11 February 2005, p. 27)

The German elite accuses the victims

Whereas the butcher Churchill actually felt some belated remorse for his war of extermination against the civilian population of Germany, the despicable German post-war elite awarded him the Karlspreis (Charlemagne prize) of Aachen. Churchill accepted this prize in Aachen, one of the countless cities his air-force had devastated, thereby burning alive countless human beings.

Since then, the elite of the German vassal state has not changed. They continue to praise the murderers and to revile the victims. On the eve of the fiftieth anniversary of the destruction of his city, the mayor of Dresden, Ingolf Rossberg, did not shrink from heaping abuse on the German holocaust victims; he practically justified the murder of hundreds of thousands (most of them women, children and wounded soldiers in the hospitals) plus the annihilation of irreplaceable cultural treasures: "60 years after the devastating bombing, which claimed tens of thousands of victims, mayor Ingolf Rossberg warned against misunderstanding Dresden as an ‘innocent city’.” (Die Welt, 12 February 2005, Internet version).

Thus spoke the mayor of a city which had received streams of people, animals and carriages like a caring mother. The streets and squares of Dresden were filled with refugees, the meadows and parks had been transformed into huge camps. When the fatal hour approached, about 1.130.000 people were living in Dresden. The result of the attacks was even more murderous than the atomic bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki.

Only the German victims are guilty, not their murderers!

As American, British, German, French and Italian historians ascertained at the Freiburg conference in 1988, not only the main war criminals Churchill and Roosevelt bear the guilt for history’s worst atrocity. The majority of the British and the American population were not blameless either.

The German weekly Der Spiegel stated in its 1/1995 issue: "About six million Germans were killed." As a matter of fact, the actual figure was about fifteen million. But although even the anti-German Spiegel admits that six million Germans were put to death, the German elite only bemoans Jewish victims.

On 12 February 1995, Ernst Cramer wrote in Die Welt (page 12): "When commemorating the victims, we should stop asking about guilt.” And what had the politically super-correct former German president, Roman Herzog, to say about who was guilty of the German genocide? Speaking in Dresden on 13 February 1995, Herzog chose to insult the victims by stating: "It is meaningless to discuss if the bombing war, the inhumanity of which nobody disputes, was legally justified or not. What are such discussions good for, considering that fifty years have elapsed?” (Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 14 February 1995, p. 1)

But when it comes to monstrously exaggerating the Auschwitz death toll (according to the well-known journalist Fritjof Meyer, three and a half million Auschwitz victims were simply invented in order to denigrate the German people) the professional hypocrites and liars never say: "It is meaningless to discuss this… What are such discussions good for, considering that so and so many years have elapsed?” As a matter of fact, all leading German politicians claim that Germany is guilty in all eternity. Even the unborn Germans are guilty!

Two measures

Let us resume: Not even the responsibles deny that the German cities were transformed into crematoria during World War Two. The total amounts of bombs dropped on the German cities has been confirmed by the criminals themselves and is therefore credible. That six million Germans were killed, was confirmed by the anti-German Spiegel and by official statistics, although the real figure is about 15 million. Nevertheless every liar under the sun apparently has the right to affirm that the allied terror bombings claimed only a handful of victims. These brazen falsifiers of history have nothing to fear from the German justice.

The biggest mass murder in history

The "democrats”, who claim to have "liberated” the German people from Hitler, brought nothing but terror and destruction. In Dresden, they murdered several hundreds of thousands people in one single hellish night and destroyed countless cultural treasures. Women who were giving birth to children in the delivery rooms of the burning hospitals jumped out of the windows, but within minutes, these mothers and their children, who were still hanging at the umbilical cords, were reduced to ashes too. Thousands of people whom the incendiary bombs had transformed into living torches jumped into the ponds, but phosphorus continues to burn even in the water. Even the animals from the zoo, elephants, lions and others, desperately headed for the water, together with the humans. But all of them, the new-born child, the mother, the old man, the wounded soldier and the innocent animal from the zoo and the stable, horribly perished in the name of "liberation".
Burned victims after the Dresden Massacre 

This and similar pictures were often used after the war as photographic proof of Jewish gas victims.


Source: http://whiteresister.com/index.php/8-archives/83-13-february-1945-approximately-500-000-german-refugees-burned-alive-by-allied-forces-in-dresden

AND

Hitler didn't start indiscriminate bombings — Churchill did 

Bombing in Europe was never a winning strategy, says Richard Overy in The Bombing War


26 October 2013

The Bombing War: Europe 1939-1945 Richard Overy
Allen Lane, pp.821, £30, ISBN: 9780713995619

‘I cannot describe to you what a curious note of brutality a bomb has,’ said one woman who lived through the initial German raids on London during the second world war. This woman’s ambivalent reaction to having a bomb rip through her bedroom typified the shocking reality of a different type of war to any that had ever been fought before.

For as Richard Overy makes eminently clear in his extraordinary and far-reaching history of Europe’s bombing war, this was the first time civilians actually became a part of the front line. The cause of this was the advent of aerial bombardment, which, Overy says, exposed ‘the democratic nature of total war, which insisted that all citizens had a part to play.’

The idea that bombing could demoralise a population and cause a government crisis had been a topic of hot discussion during the interwar years. In a lengthy preamble Overy, who has written numerous histories of the second world war, focuses on Bulgaria as a microcosm of the issues which defined the wider ‘strategic’ bombing war in Europe:
The bombing of Bulgaria was Churchill’s idea, and he remained the driving force behind the argument that air raids would provide a quick and relatively cheap way of forcing the country to change sides.
Fine in theory, but in practice things worked rather differently. The ‘political dividend’ Churchill sought to achieve in the early months of 1944 was offset by a high level of civilian casualties ‘which undermined the prestige of both the United States and Britain in the eyes of the Bulgarian people’. Overy notes that while bombing contributed to the collapse of any pro-German consensus and strengthened the hand of opposition political parties it did not result in a change of government until September 1944 when the Soviets introduced an administration dominated by the Bulgarian communist party.
Martialling his facts with dexterity Overy argues that bombing in Europe was never a war-winning strategy and invariably caused more harm than good. In what is the first full narrative of the bombing war in Europe Overy’s scope is incredibly broad and well-researched, also highly readable. He tackles not only the wider conflict with Germany but little-known bombing wars in France and Italy, which in both cases resulted in civilian casualties the equal of the Blitz.

He has also had access to ‘two new sources’ from the former Soviet archives, which include German air force documents covering the Blitz and others which throw new light on Germany’s bombings of Moscow, Leningrad and Stalingrad — an area which up until now has had very little coverage.

Overy traces the origins of the bombing war back to 10 May 1940, the same day that Germany began its attack on the West and Churchill replaced Chamberlain as British prime minister. ‘Chamberlain had always opposed the use of bombing against urban targets,’ writes Overy, ‘but Churchill had no conscientious or legal objections.’ Indeed, already as Minister of Munitions in 1917, Churchill had been in favour of an independent air force and a policy of long-range bombing against German industrial targets.

Up until Churchill’s appointment as prime minister both Germany and Britain had stuck to a pledge not to attack targets in each other’s cities where civilians were at risk. Overy dismisses the long-held belief ‘firmly rooted in the British public mind’ that Hitler initiated the trend for indiscriminate bombings. Instead, he says, the decision to take the gloves off was Churchill’s, ‘because of the crisis in the Battle of France, not because of German air raids [over Britain].’

Ethical restraints which had been imposed at the start of the war became slowly eroded as a result of Britain’s decision to initiate ‘unrestricted’ bombing of targets located in Germany’s urban areas. In a fascinating chapter entitled ‘The Sorcerer’s Apprentice’ Overy suggests that Britain’s Bomber Command developed its tactics for concentrated ‘area bombing’ and the wide use of incendiary bombs by observing the destruction Germany wrought on London during the Blitz.

The RAF altered its strategy of focusing on precise targets when it saw how effectively the German air force attacked clusters of targets in industrial and commercial areas. However, Overy says that under Sir Arthur ‘Bomber’ Harris’s stewardship Bomber Command took things a grisly step further by deliberately targeting German workers to reduce industrial output.

For much of the war, combined British, Commonwealth and American forces lacked the necessary technology to develop the long-range heavy bombers they needed to launch attacks on Germany’s main industrial hubs. The bombing war only really escalated in 1943 when Harris finally felt ready to launch three major offensives: the Ruhr-Rhineland in late spring and summer, Hamburg in July and Berlin in the autumn.

It was the second of these, codenamed ‘Operation Gomorrah’, that resulted in the single largest loss of civilian life in one city throughout the European war. Some 37,000 people died and over 60 per cent of Hamburg’s houses and apartments were destroyed by a blaze of incendiary bombs. Overy cites a German doctor who says he had to estimate the number of dead by measuring the ash left on the floor.

It was only near the end of the war, and the bombing of Dresden which killed approximately 25,000 people in a few hours, that there was any kind of outcry against Allied strategy, which incidentally had failed in any way to stem Germany’s production of armaments (there was a three-fold increase between 1941 and 1944). Yet after the war the British Bombing Survey Unit’s assessment was positively damning and criticised almost ‘all phases of Bomber Command’s activities except the final phase against oil and communications targets [in Germany].’

Though he is never quick to judge Overy does not disagree with postwar interpretations which saw ‘the final flourish of bombing against a weakened enemy, with overwhelming force, as merely punitive, neither necessary, nor, as a result, morally justified’. Looking desperately among the historical rubble for a positive response to a campaign which saw roughly 50 per cent of bomber pilots lose their lives during airborne sorties, Overy, suggests that
bombing was at its most significant as a political gambit in the earlier part of the war when the British government used the RAF as a means to win support among the occupied populations and from the US by showing that Britain was capable of fighting back.
It is small consolation for what the esteemed Canadian economist John Kenneth Galbraith described as ‘one of the greatest, perhaps the greatest, miscalculation of the war.

Source: http://www.spectator.co.uk/2013/10/the-bombing-war-by-richard-overy-review/

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